The deceased US second-in-command Dick Cheney, who passed away at the age of 84, was considered among the most significant holders of the vice-presidency in American history. While many VPs were limited to peripheral or symbolic roles, Cheney exercised enormous power during the presidency of George W Bush, to the point that he was often referred to as the "real president".
Bush disliked this portrayal and stated the connection was more complicated. He noted that Cheney was deferential, consistently referring to him in public as the President, while he referred to him as Dick. Bush challenged even characterisations of their partnership as a collaboration because it suggested that they were equals. Despite such protestations, Cheney viewed the easygoing president accommodating on a whole raft of policy decisions.
Leading of a group of conservative hawks that included military head Donald Rumsfeld and deputy defence secretary Paul Wolfowitz, he vigorously promoted the invasion of Iraq in 2003 in reaction to the terrorist strikes on New York and Washington. When of the 9/11 assault, Bush had been attending a gathering at a school in Florida. As Bush traveled to a secure location in Nebraska, Cheney assumed control, directing the destruction of any unidentified aircraft approaching the US Capitol.
Cheney said the attacks changed him, causing him to be intent on revenge. Together with other neo-conservatives, like Rumsfeld and Wolfowitz, he lobbied for a invasion of Afghanistan in an attempt to seize Osama bin Laden. Cheney then strongly advocated for the military action of Iraq, although there was little proof of Saddam Hussein having involvement.
He voiced no apologies about the armed intervention, in which an approximated 100,000 Iraqis perished, or about the enhanced interrogation of suspects apprehended after 9/11. He told CNN in 2015 that the Iraq invasion effort, which was predicated on misleading intelligence repeated by Cheney, was the right decision. "It represented the correct action to do at that time. I had faith at the time and I believe it today."
However even then, there were opposing views at a top tier about the mishandling of Iraq. One of the administration's own delegates to the region, General Anthony Zinni (2001-03), was dismissed from the role. "I witnessed, as a baseline," he subsequently stated "obvious failure, inaction, and recklessness: potentially, lying, ineptitude, and graft."
Cheney was not completely accountable for the Iraq military action. Before 9/11, Wolfowitz had advocated for comparable steps. He had drafted a memo setting out circumstances in which national priorities might be endangered (including "obtaining vital raw materials, mainly Persian Gulf oil"). Wolfowitz had contended that "the United States should be prepared to act independently when cooperative measures prove impossible," particularly referencing military moves against Iraq.
Bush also had assumed the presidency vaguely intent on executing what his predecessor had specifically avoided to do in 1991; remove Saddam. Following he had been dismissed by the administration, the finance chief Paul O'Neill revealed how, at the opening session of the National Security Council in January 2001, Bush had declared his objective of reducing America's participation in the regional tensions and mooted armed intervention against Iraq.
Bush held a private grievance against Saddam, thinking he had been involved in a conspiracy to murder his parent, President George HW Bush, on a trip to Kuwait in 1993. He also objected to that one of the most prominent hotels in Baghdad had a ground design with a image of his parent's countenance that all visitors had to tread upon.
However it was Cheney who was one of the most vociferous behind striking Iraq, frequently citing intelligence reports that were either insubstantial or entirely inaccurate. He endorsed what the Bush White House indirectly described as "advanced techniques", the employment of simulated drowning and torture.
Addressing a Senate analysis in 2014 that concluded that no actionable intelligence had been obtained through the harsh techniques, Cheney dismissed the conclusions as "loaded with crap". He told Fox News: "We requested [the CIA] to establish protocols and create programmes to capture the bastards who murdered 3,000 of us on 9/11 and make sure it was not repeated. That's exactly what they did and they deserve a lot of credit."
Cheney reveled in monikers imposed on him by opponents such as the dark character and the dark figure, and by the concept that he was a dark force directing Bush. In Peter Baker's 2013 book about the duo, Days of Fire: Bush and Cheney in the White House, Cheney is quoted as saying: "Is it me who is the sinister strategist in the corner that remains unseen come out of his lair? This represents a effective way to work, in fact."
Dispute over his business interests followed him throughout his time as vice-president. Even though he had minimal expertise in business but strong connections in security, particularly in Saudi Arabia, he was asked to become part of Halliburton, one of the world's largest petroleum companies, in 1995 as leader and chief executive.
In 2000 he was selected as Bush's election partner for the presidency. Debatably, during the conflict in Iraq, Halliburton was granted US deals valued at billions.
It significantly boosted his finances. His annual income during his time at the firm grew from his $258,394 when he was military head to $4.4m. When he departed in 2000 he had a package worth over $20m|twenty
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