The chancellor has tackled this week's budget comparable to a unwilling swimmer inching into cold water, attempting to mitigate the hardship through gradual entry.
The chancellor started tackling the problem of limited income towards the end of the summer months. To begin with, she refused to stand by former assertions that revenue hikes in last year's financial statement would be the final ones.
Subsequently, in early November, she took a bolder move into the icy waves. Her address promised to "implement needed measures" to finance government services and keep loan interest down.
After 10 days, the exchequer had retracted the implication. The manifesto commitment was upheld in the end. Like every icy-water dipper understands, this halted dive and trembling pullback is the most painful of all methods. No strategy prolongs the pain like hesitation.
It is hard to be decisive when choosing between degrees of internally generated harm.
Optimism has not been a effective strategy for the ruling party. Central of the prime minister's election bid was the futile expectation of by some means satisfying citizens' desire for better state services without undoing large sums of Tory reductions in taxation.
Never has both the prime minister or Reeves effectively communicated a sense of collective goal to justify all this hardship. To some extent that is a problem of leadership presence. The prime minister and the chancellor are remarkably alike in their communicative deficiency, stilted and reserved in a way that drives the public away instead of attracting them in.
In the same way that public demand to invest in state services has pushed the Treasury to acknowledge that levies must go up, the economic imperative of improving prosperity makes it more challenging to disregard the price of detachment from the European single market.
Ministers spent a period splashing in the early stages of closer ties with the European Union: plans to end import controls on agricultural goods; a youth mobility scheme. Vision went a bit deeper on energy, armed forces partnership, but nothing of substance has to date been agreed.
Lacking definite guidance and drive from the prime minister's office, talks are stuck. EU officials says single-market privileges are unlocked with payments to the EU budget. UK ministers are aware that's the deal. That doesn't lead them enthusiastic for a public row and campaigners screaming betrayal over whatever price ends up being paid.
Commercial conditions has caused some shift in Labour's rhetoric on the EU relationship. The chancellor has commenced naming Brexit alongside the coronavirus crisis as a cause of commercial injury that the Treasury is working hard to fix. Government colleagues have followed suit, although they carefully attribute the responsibility to "a bad Brexit deal" or "the manner of departure", never just "leaving".
The problem of the UK's long-term partnership with the EU can't be simplified to administrative modifications and customs systems when the whole geopolitical order is in constant change. In light of everything that has occurred since 2016, it feels reasonable still to be asking the big question: were Britain's interests advanced by departing the EU?
These are cold, uncomfortable truths about the UK's situation in uncertain global circumstances. It is not surprising that both leaders shy away from the responsibility. It would take them outside their comfort zone, into trends that they dare not oppose. So as an alternative they carry on nervously walking the shore, hoping that maybe soon the circumstances will shift.
A tech journalist and digital strategist with over a decade of experience covering AI, cybersecurity, and startup ecosystems across Europe.